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When British traders landed on India’s shores in the 1600s, they arrived in search of spices and silk but stayed for centuries – leaving behind a legacy that would shape the nation long after their colonial exploitation ended: the English language.

Over the centuries, English seeped into the very fabric of Indian life – first as a tool of commerce, then as the language of law and, eventually, a marker of privilege.
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Now, after more than a decade of Hindu-nationalist rule, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is mounting perhaps the most significant challenge yet to the language’s place in India.

“Those who speak English will soon feel ashamed,” Home Minister Amit Shah said last month, igniting a heated debate about national identity and social mobility in the polyglot nation of 1.4 billion.

While Shah did not mention India’s former colonial masters, he declared that “the languages of our country are the jewels of our culture” – and that without them, “we cease to be truly Indian.”
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Spoken behind the walls of colonial forts and offices, English in India was at first the language of ledgers and treaties.

But as British rule expanded from the ports of Gujarat to the palaces of Delhi, it became the lingua franca of the colonial elite.

At independence, India faced a dilemma. With hundreds of languages and dialects spoken across its vast landscape, its newly appointed leaders grappled with the question of which one should represent the new nation.

Hindi, the predominant language in the north, was put forward as a candidate for official language.

But strong resistance from non-Hindi-speaking regions – especially in the south – meant English would remain only as a temporary link to unite the country. It’s a legacy that endures to this day – and still rankles some.

“I subscribe to the view that English is the language of the colonial masters,” Pradeep Bahirwani, a retired corporate executive from the southern city of Bengaluru, said, adding: “Our national language should be a language which… has got roots in India.”

Just when we thought the Coldplay Jumbotron controversy had run its course, Gwyneth Paltrow has entered the chat.

The Academy Award-winning actress and Goop founder appeared in a new – and very funny – ad for Astronomer, the tech firm whose former CEO and human resources chief launched a million memes after being shown on a Jumbotron at a Coldplay concert last week.
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“I’ve been hired on a very temporary basis to speak on behalf of the 300-plus employees at Astronomer,” Paltrow said in the clip shared on the company’s Instagram on Friday night, adding that Astronomer had received “a lot of questions over the last few days.”

In addition to her other hats, Paltrow, of course, is also the famously “consciously uncoupled” ex-wife of Coldplay frontman Chris Martin, who at a concert in Boston last week inadvertently revealed an intimate moment between two top executives at Astronomer – who were seen embracing but immediately ducked from view – during a performance of Coldplay’s “Jumbotron Song.”
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“Whoa, look at these two,” Martin quipped at the time. “Either they’re having an affair or they’re just very shy.”

The moment caused a major internet sensation and an immediate spotlight on Astronomer. Both executives shown in the video have since resigned.

In the clip featuring Paltrow on Friday, the “questions” she addresses do not deal with the controversy, but rather the tech-focused business dealings of New York-based firm Astronomer.

The clip’s caption read simply, “Thank you for your interest in Astronomer.”

It’s no secret how President Donald Trump feels about sports teams turning away from Native American mascots. He’s repeatedly called for the return of the Washington Redskins and Cleveland Indians, claiming their recent rebrands were part of a “woke” agenda designed to erase history.

But one surprising team has really gotten the president’s attention: the Massapequa Chiefs.

The Long Island school district has refused to change its logo and name under a mandate from New York state banning schools from using team mascots appropriating Indigenous culture. Schools were given two years to rebrand, but Massapequa is the lone holdout, having missed the June 30 deadline to debut a new logo.
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The district lost an initial lawsuit it filed against the state but now has the federal government on its side. In May, Trump’s Department of Education intervened on the district’s behalf, claiming the state’s mascot ban is itself discriminatory.

Massapequa’s Chiefs logo — an American Indian wearing a yellow feathered headdress — is expected to still be prominently displayed when the fall sports season kicks off soon, putting the quiet Long Island hamlet at the center of a political firestorm.
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The district is now a key “battleground,” said Oliver Roberts, a Massapequa alum and the lawyer representing the school board in its fresh lawsuit against New York claiming that the ban is unconstitutional and discriminatory.

The Trump administration claims New York’s mascot ban violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits recipients of federal funds from engaging in discriminatory behavior based on race, color or national origin — teeing up a potentially precedent-setting fight.

The intervention on behalf of Massapequa follows a pattern for a White House that has aggressively applied civil rights protections to police “reverse discrimination” and coerced schools and universities into policy concessions by withholding federal funds.

“Our goal is to assist nationally,” Roberts said. “It’s us putting forward our time and effort to try and assist with this national movement and push back against the woke bureaucrats trying to cancel our country’s history and tradition.”
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When Hussain AlMoosawi arrived home, he didn’t recognize anything.

The Emirati photographer, who had spent eight years studying in Australia, returned to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 2013. He’d missed a real estate boom of dizzying proportions: not just new buildings, but new districts.
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More than that, the buildings of his childhood were disappearing, replaced by shiny new skyscrapers.

But for AlMoosawi, these international icons were not the urban fabric of his home: it was the oft-overlooked, mid-century office towers and residential blocks squeezed between new highways and overshadowed by luxury developments that felt most familiar.

It sparked a desire to “understand the urban context of the UAE,” and AlMoosawi set out to meticulously document and capture these underappreciated buildings, “and reimagine the city as if it were the ‘80s, the time when I was born.”
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Initially focusing on industrial landscapes, temporary structures and air conditioning units, he began to notice symmetry in many of the buildings he was photographing, inspiring his current project: facades.

“Facades are like a face,” said AlMoosawi. “It’s something that people connect with.”

His bold, geometric images strip away context to spotlight the character and diversity of everyday buildings. Using a telephoto lens to shoot close-ups from the ground or elevated positions, AlMoosawi carefully frames out distractions and sometimes removes minor obstructions like lampposts in post-processing.

So far, the 41-year-old, who is editor-in-chief for National Geographic AlArabiya Magazine, has photographed over 600 building?s across the UAE, and next year hopes to complete his collection in Abu Dhabi, where he lives.

In the long term, he hopes to turn the “lifetime project” into an interactive archive that both preserves urban heritage and invites viewers to rediscover their own city.

“Our cities aren’t big, in terms of scale, compared to many other cities,” said AlMoosawi. “But then they have a story to tell, they have things between the lines that we don’t see, and my quest is to see these things.”

While manufacturers continue to tweak their products to overcome the stigma of ultraprocessed foods, nutritionists suggest consumers move forward in choosing products that help the planet — as long as they keep reading the nutrition label.

“I would look for something with a good fat composition in which saturated fat is less than a third of the total fat,” Willett said. “Some vegetable burgers made from peas and legumes can be quite starchy, which the body breaks down similarly to sugar, so I would prefer to see alternatives with more healthy fat, more nuts, more soy.”
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While the Dietary Guidelines for Americans call for a limit of 2,300 milligrams of sodium per day for adults, “the American Heart Association recommends a limit of 1,500 milligrams for adults over 50, which is the standard I prefer,” Willett said.

“Look for about 1 milligram of sodium per calorie, which is a pretty good criteria,” he added. “In general, salt and saturated fat are the two really important factors — along with something that’s flavorful or delicious, which is, of course, up to the consumer.”
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One more key point from Willett: Before plant-based meats can truly help save the planet, they need to come down in price.

“These products are quite a bit more expensive, from what I’ve seen, than basic hamburger,” he said, “and we really need products that are price competitive with the beef and pork if we’re going to see them used on a daily basis, not just by people who can afford it.”

Since India’s independence from Britain in 1947, the status of English in India has been deeply political – entwined with questions of identity, power, and national direction.

Today, English is one of several official languages in India, spoken by about 10% of the population. Hindi is the first language for around 44% of citizens, according to the 2011 census.
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But in recent years, Modi’s BJP has placed particular emphasis on promoting Hindi and reducing the use of English in public life.

The prime minister almost never delivers speeches in English, preferring Hindi for national addresses such as his monthly radio program. His administration has encouraged officials to use Hindi on social media and in government correspondence – though, after criticism from non-Hindi-speaking states, clarified that this was intended mainly for the Hindi belt in the north.
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When India hosted world leaders for the 2023 G20 summit in New Delhi, invitations were sent out from “Bharat” – the Sanskrit or Hindi name for the country – instead of “India,” fueling speculation that the government aims to ultimately phase out the country’s English designation altogether.

Modi’s critics have been quick to note his political motives behind these moves.

With its roots in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing organization that advocates Hindu hegemony within India, the BJP’s language policies resonate with many in a country where nearly 80% of people are Hindu.

Analysts say the BJP is seeking to capitalize on this demographic by promoting language policies that strengthen its support base in the north.

According to Rita Kothari, an English professor from Ashoka University, the government “is certainly interested in homogenizing the country and making Hindi more widespread.”

But that policy can also backfire – in part because many regions, such as Marathi-speaking Maharashtra in the west – are staunchly proud of their local language.

The violent clashes in the state’s megacity Mumbai earlier this month were sparked by the regional government’s controversial decision to make Hindi a compulsory third language in public primary schools.

Pushback and protest has also been especially strong in the south, where English and regional languages such as Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada are valued as symbols of local identity and autonomy.