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Emne historie: Desogen: Martin-Logan Buy

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Georgia journalist jailed over protests against pro-Russian government deteriora

Tbilisi, Georgia — Jailed journalist Mzia Amaghlobeli gets weaker every day as her hunger strike has reached three weeks in Rustavi, a town near the Georgian capital of Tbilisi, her lawyer says. Now the 49-year-old is having difficulty walking the short distance from her cell to the room where they usually meet, and human rights officials, colleagues and family fear for her life.
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Amaghlobeli was arrested Jan. 12 during an anti-government protest in the coastal city of Batumi, one of over 40 people in custody on criminal charges from a series of demonstrations that have hit the South Caucasus nation of 3.7 million in recent months.
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The political turmoil follows a parliamentary election that was won by the ruling Georgian Dream party, although its opponents allege the vote was rigged.

Protests highlight battle over Georgia's future. Here's why it matters.
Its outcome pushed Georgia further into Russia's orbit of influence. Georgia aspired to join the European Union, but the party suspended accession talks with the bloc after the election.

As it sought to cement its grip on power, Georgian Dream has cracked down on freedom of assembly and expression in what the opposition says is similar to President Vladimir Putin's actions in neighboring Russia, its former imperial ruler.
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A secret tunnel city hidden under Rome’s ancient heart is being revealed

Rome — There’s a reason archaeologist Ersilia D’Ambrosio can scarcely contain her excitement as she leads the way through dimly lit passageways deep below the Capitoline Hill that was once at the heart of ancient Rome: In a city where almost every historic treasure has been laid bare, this vast subterranean labyrinth is an undiscovered world.
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“No one has seen these caves and tunnels for more than a century,” D’Ambrosio tells CNN, plunging further into the gloom. These chambers, which cover around 42,000 square feet, or 3,900 square meters — roughly three-quarters the area of an American football field — lie in an area beneath the Ancient Roman Forum and the 2,000-year-old Marcello Theater. At its deepest point, one of the caves extends about 985 feet below the surface.
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Known as the Grottino del Campidoglio, or Capitoline Grotto, these tunnels have been part of the fabric of Rome even since before the days of Julius Caesar, despite being forgotten in recent generations. Comprehensively developed in the Middle Ages, they were in continuous use until the 1920s, at various times housing entire communities, shops, taverns, restaurants and, in World War II, people sheltering from falling Allied bombs.

Above ground, on the steamy morning in July when CNN was granted exclusive access to the cavern network, tourists sweated in temperatures of 95 degrees Fahrenheit (35 Celsius) as they explored the Capitoline Square, designed by Michelangelo in the 16th century, and the Capitoline Museums complex. Seventy-five feet below, in the grotto, it’s decidedly cooler at around 55F, with the damp air causing condensation to glitter on some of the tunnel surfaces.
Some of the passages are neatly constructed and lined with bricks, a sign of their development and use in the 19th century. Others are more roughly hewn from tuff, a soft volcanic rock from which the famous Seven Hills of Rome are formed. Walking through the tunnels is a trip back in time, with Rome’s complex layers of history laid bare.

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A colonial hangover or a linguistic leg-up? India grapples with the enduring app

When British traders landed on India’s shores in the 1600s, they arrived in search of spices and silk but stayed for centuries – leaving behind a legacy that would shape the nation long after their colonial exploitation ended: the English language.

Over the centuries, English seeped into the very fabric of Indian life – first as a tool of commerce, then as the language of law and, eventually, a marker of privilege.
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Now, after more than a decade of Hindu-nationalist rule, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is mounting perhaps the most significant challenge yet to the language’s place in India.

“Those who speak English will soon feel ashamed,” Home Minister Amit Shah said last month, igniting a heated debate about national identity and social mobility in the polyglot nation of 1.4 billion.

While Shah did not mention India’s former colonial masters, he declared that “the languages of our country are the jewels of our culture” – and that without them, “we cease to be truly Indian.”
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Spoken behind the walls of colonial forts and offices, English in India was at first the language of ledgers and treaties.

But as British rule expanded from the ports of Gujarat to the palaces of Delhi, it became the lingua franca of the colonial elite.

At independence, India faced a dilemma. With hundreds of languages and dialects spoken across its vast landscape, its newly appointed leaders grappled with the question of which one should represent the new nation.

Hindi, the predominant language in the north, was put forward as a candidate for official language.

But strong resistance from non-Hindi-speaking regions – especially in the south – meant English would remain only as a temporary link to unite the country. It’s a legacy that endures to this day – and still rankles some.

“I subscribe to the view that English is the language of the colonial masters,” Pradeep Bahirwani, a retired corporate executive from the southern city of Bengaluru, said, adding: “Our national language should be a language which… has got roots in India.”

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Language as a political tool

Since India’s independence from Britain in 1947, the status of English in India has been deeply political – entwined with questions of identity, power, and national direction.

Today, English is one of several official languages in India, spoken by about 10% of the population. Hindi is the first language for around 44% of citizens, according to the 2011 census.
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But in recent years, Modi’s BJP has placed particular emphasis on promoting Hindi and reducing the use of English in public life.

The prime minister almost never delivers speeches in English, preferring Hindi for national addresses such as his monthly radio program. His administration has encouraged officials to use Hindi on social media and in government correspondence – though, after criticism from non-Hindi-speaking states, clarified that this was intended mainly for the Hindi belt in the north.
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When India hosted world leaders for the 2023 G20 summit in New Delhi, invitations were sent out from “Bharat” – the Sanskrit or Hindi name for the country – instead of “India,” fueling speculation that the government aims to ultimately phase out the country’s English designation altogether.

Modi’s critics have been quick to note his political motives behind these moves.

With its roots in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing organization that advocates Hindu hegemony within India, the BJP’s language policies resonate with many in a country where nearly 80% of people are Hindu.

Analysts say the BJP is seeking to capitalize on this demographic by promoting language policies that strengthen its support base in the north.

According to Rita Kothari, an English professor from Ashoka University, the government “is certainly interested in homogenizing the country and making Hindi more widespread.”

But that policy can also backfire – in part because many regions, such as Marathi-speaking Maharashtra in the west – are staunchly proud of their local language.

The violent clashes in the state’s megacity Mumbai earlier this month were sparked by the regional government’s controversial decision to make Hindi a compulsory third language in public primary schools.

Pushback and protest has also been especially strong in the south, where English and regional languages such as Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada are valued as symbols of local identity and autonomy.

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This Abu Dhabi photographer is on a mission to define his country’s ‘architectur

When Hussain AlMoosawi arrived home, he didn’t recognize anything.

The Emirati photographer, who had spent eight years studying in Australia, returned to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 2013. He’d missed a real estate boom of dizzying proportions: not just new buildings, but new districts.
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More than that, the buildings of his childhood were disappearing, replaced by shiny new skyscrapers.

But for AlMoosawi, these international icons were not the urban fabric of his home: it was the oft-overlooked, mid-century office towers and residential blocks squeezed between new highways and overshadowed by luxury developments that felt most familiar.

It sparked a desire to “understand the urban context of the UAE,” and AlMoosawi set out to meticulously document and capture these underappreciated buildings, “and reimagine the city as if it were the ‘80s, the time when I was born.”
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Initially focusing on industrial landscapes, temporary structures and air conditioning units, he began to notice symmetry in many of the buildings he was photographing, inspiring his current project: facades.

“Facades are like a face,” said AlMoosawi. “It’s something that people connect with.”

His bold, geometric images strip away context to spotlight the character and diversity of everyday buildings. Using a telephoto lens to shoot close-ups from the ground or elevated positions, AlMoosawi carefully frames out distractions and sometimes removes minor obstructions like lampposts in post-processing.

So far, the 41-year-old, who is editor-in-chief for National Geographic AlArabiya Magazine, has photographed over 600 building?s across the UAE, and next year hopes to complete his collection in Abu Dhabi, where he lives.

In the long term, he hopes to turn the “lifetime project” into an interactive archive that both preserves urban heritage and invites viewers to rediscover their own city.

“Our cities aren’t big, in terms of scale, compared to many other cities,” said AlMoosawi. “But then they have a story to tell, they have things between the lines that we don’t see, and my quest is to see these things.”

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